Paid at Last, Paid at Last, Thank God Almighty…

A trend in social justice emerged at some point in the heady last days of Obama, introducing the concept of “emotional labor” to social justice, in particular to black advocacy. Emotional labor is the effort one puts into social interaction, particularly regarding having to “fake” it; the smiling waitress, for instance, is laboring to an extent she wouldn’t be if she didn’t have to smile. The concept originated in 1983 as a class-based concern of progressives. That smiling waitress, domestic workers, immigrants in foreign lands were all enduring greater loads of emotional labor to get by.

As nobody labors more, emotionally, than blacks, I’m surprised it took this long for the idea to find its natural home as a civil rights hustle. But it’s here. Explaining racism to white people is exhausting, say black people making a living explaining racism to white people. Enduring racism is literally giving black people high blood pressure, says the New York Times. So it necessarily follows those angry protesters shutting down speeches and entire schools are being unfairly taxed in the fight for justice. They are not being compensated for their emotional labor. Yeah.

Here’s an impromptu lecture on the subject in a college square:

The dog must be one of those service pets for the emotionally fragile.

The professor above had collared some of her white colleagues who had managed to escape an impromptu inquisition going on inside–wherein the students who had shut down Evergreen State College were assailing faculty and administration. The white teachers were shirkers. She’s tired of her and the other women of color doing all the emotional labor. The logic is sound–if you accept that social justice seeks the common good. Why shouldn’t they be pitching in? That’s why the white cucks stand there and nod–to disagree would be to question the whole enterprise.

The professor complains of having to “sit there and fucking wax poetic for your benefit about shit”; she gets the game perfectly, if the gormless whites haven’t a clue. She’s a performer. She’s to be paid for her performance.

Meanwhile inside the same refrain:

Love’s Labor Cost

The tranny taking a stand in hotpants on behalf of Proud Black Women was leader of the protests and all but took over the school like a Vandal warlord for a couple of days. The media studies professor and diversity board member lambasting her colleagues was another principle in organizing the school takeover, all leveraged off of–what else?–an email sent by a dissenting professor questioning the latest social justice excess.

The professor hasn’t been back to school all year, fearing for her safety after online bullying. She won’t be getting any emotional reimbursement for her efforts now, but some financially, at least.
She’s leaving the school and settling her lawsuit (did I forget to mention the lawsuit? do I need to mention the lawsuit?):

Powers said the resignation was a condition of a settlement Lowe reached with the college. She will receive $240,000, which includes final wages and attorney fees, to settle her tort claim of discrimination and a hostile work environment, according to Powers.

Speaking of money, the school is reeling (no sympathy for its collective emotional labors) since the shutdown, having already impoverished programs to promote diversity (and of course conceding more money to it following the takeover), losing faculty and students.

Bret Weinstein, the progressive biology professor whose offending email made the black kids angry, as they say, and who’s no longer at the school as a result, tells the backstory to the shutdown:

In 2015, Evergreen hired a new president. Trained as a sociologist, George Bridges did two things upon arrival. First, he hired an old friend to talk one-on-one to members of our community — faculty, staff, and students. We talked about our values and our visions for the college. But the benefit of hindsight suggests that he was looking for something else. He was mapping us, assessing our differences, our blind spots, and the social tensions that ran beneath the surface. Second, Bridges fired the provost, Michael Zimmerman. The provost, usually synonymous with the vice president for academics, is the chief academic officer at an institution of higher education. Zimmerman would have disapproved of what Bridges had in mind and would have had some power to stop it. But he was replaced by a timid (though well-liked) insider who became a pawn due to his compromised interim status and his desire not to make waves. 

Having mapped the faculty and fired the provost, Bridges began reworking the college in earnest. Surprise announcements became the norm as opportunities for discussion dwindled.

We know Bridges as the bow-tied, submissive flak-catcher of the protests. That’s a very different fellow described above. I bet that describes a lot of these types.

The president took aim at what made Evergreen unique, such as full-time programs. He fattened the administration, creating expensive vice president positions at an unprecedented rate, while budgets tightened elsewhere due to drops in student enrollment and disappearing state dollars. He went after Evergreen’s unparalleled faculty autonomy, which was essential to the unique teaching done by the best professors. 

All of this should have been alarming to a faculty in which professors have traditionally viewed administrative interference in academic matters with great suspicion. But Bridges was strategic and forged an alliance with factions known to be obsessed with race. He draped the “equity” banner around everything he did. Advocating that Evergreen embrace itself as a “College of Social Justice,” he argued that faculty autonomy unjustly puts the focus on teachers rather than students, and that the new VP for Equity and Inclusion would help us serve our underserved populations. 

But no discussion was allowed of students who did not meet the narrow criteria of being “underserved.” Because of the wrapping, concerns about policy changes were dismissed as “anti-equity.” What was in the nicely wrapped box turned out to be something else entirely.

The civil rights movement is now pure plunder–ironic that this is one of Ta Nehisi Coates’ favorite words. The fury of protesters, the pettiness of their complaints, these are measures of a sort of how deep into the nation’s ruin they are. They’ll have to work harder and harder to extract less and less from the American legacy, with more and more identities elbowing up to the trough.

Ever more creative monetization schemes will be required for emotional labor and other degradations.

Should be an interesting time ahead.

Alt Right Torah Talk with Luke Ford

Today’s reading is Parasha Mikeitz (Gen. 41:1-44.17)

Casey and I are rather lame early in this one as Luke tries to rouse us from our goyishe torpor to realize the damage to America caused by Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

15:30 John J. Mearscheimer, liberal hegemony and the Jews.

26:30 Has Trump surrendered to the Lobby?

31:15 What’s the basis of morality? Greg Johnson versus Richard Spencer.

34:40 Someone on the live chat challenges Luke’s history and gets the smack-down. Don’t fuck with the Luke.

48:50 The difference between Judaism and Christianity.

58:00 Luke on the superiority of the law over conscience.

1:05:05 Will Trump complete the system of German Idealism?

1:06:25 Yes, Trump will complete the system of German Idealism.

1:26:45 “Religious Jews are asked about the Talmud.” A viral video wherein Hasidic Jews speak frankly about the Gentiles. We are not flattered.

1:27:20 The virtues of hypocrisy in the world of ethnic warfare.

1:38:00 Wherein we reason our way to the conclusion Judaism is a proposition religion, motivated solely by our concern for the Jews and humanity.

1:42:25 Is Casey cucked on white identity?

1:45: Joseph the archetypal court Jew.

Luke’s notes on the show:

This week’s Torah portion tells the story of “Joseph’s interpretation of Pharaoh’s dreams, Joseph’s rise to power in Egypt, and Joseph’s testing of his brothers.”
* The story of Joseph illustrates why Jews have rarely been popular with non-Jews but have often been useful to gentile rulers. Joseph was the first court Jew. He became second in power to the Pharoah and he took on, to some degree, an Egyptian point of view. He accuses his brothers of being spies. An ethnocentric group is quick to view outsiders as spies. Jews have sometimes accused me of being a spy in my conversion to Judaism. Anglos, being the least ethno-centric group around, are unlikely to view outsiders as spies.
* Joseph did not learn much from his experience. In Gen. 43:34, he gives Benjamin portions five times as large as the portions given to the rest of his brothers.
* What is the basis of morality? God, the state, evolutionary biology?
Luke: “Do you believe in objective morality and objective good and evil?”
Greg: “Yes. I think that morality and good and evil and things like that are based on nature. I follow the classical Greek notion of Natural Law and Natural Right. I believe those are reasonable views, that we can come up with an ethics that is based on nature, that’s not based simply on social convention or simply on revelation and appeals to religion. Science and socio-biology gives us a lot of useful information for constructing this ethic. Larry Arnhart has written a book called Darwinian Natural Rights. He’s influenced by classical political philosophy and natural right thinking and yet he shows that socio-biology supports a lot of the naturalistic ethical ideas that you find in classical Greek and Roman political philosophy. That is the outlook that I think is most promising. By appealing to science and to classical philosophy, we can come up with a moral consensus and political consensus that is reason-based and science-based and that allows us to sidestep inherently contentious and sometimes violence-inducing things like appeals to religious revelation.”
On November 26, 2017, I asked Richard Spencer: “What is the source of morality?”
Richard: “That’s a very deep question.”
“Morality and theology are ways of building a group consensus without using direct force so that people feel like they are… There’s an evolutionary origin of morality.”

Potential of Color

[I posted a crappy edit of this earlier. I’ve cleaned it up and re-posted it. Sorry]

Steve Sailer’s Taki column this week is about Raj Chetty’s latest analysis of the vast database of anonymized tax data at his disposal. Chetty’s takes the angle, as if to appeal, that America is shortchanging not only the underrepresented but itself by by leaving all that Potential of Color out there undeveloped. Sailer:

Should white men be blamed or thanked for inventing most of the technology that makes our lives better? A new study by Stanford economist Raj Chetty exploiting his unique access to your old 1040 tax returns argues that the massive gaps in inventiveness (as measured by patents) seen among the races, the sexes, and the regions of the country represent a tragic case of what he calls “Lost Einsteins: The Innovations We’re Missing”:   

Whites are more than three times as likely to become inventors as blacks. And 82% of 40-year-old inventors today are men. 

Chetty says, based on his study of 452 patent holders who were New York City public school students and for whom he has third-grade test scores: 

High-scoring black kids and Hispanic kids go into innovation at incredibly low rates…. There must be many “lost Einsteins” in those groups—children who appear to have been similarly able at a young age to their white and Asian peers but who never got a chance to deploy their skills. [“a mind is a terrible thing to waste”]

 Chetty writes: A lack of exposure to innovation can help explain why high-ability children in low-income families, minorities, and women are significantly less likely to become inventors. Importantly, such lack of exposure screens out not just marginal inventors but the “Einsteins” who produce innovations that have the greatest impacts on society.

Chetty is a real scientist but still evinces the obliviousness of a new class spawned by America’s new diversity: the high-IQ, no-clue Southeast Asian newly arrived in the West, or marinated in its self-abasement in its schools, taking up political correctness and lecturing us with a the sort of confidence that comes from complete ignorance.

By the way, it’s unclear why Chetty’s study of inventors is entitled “Lost Einsteins” rather than “Lost Edisons.” 

Chetty, who sometimes seems not all that familiar with his adoptive country, appears to have gotten the European scientific theorist Albert Einstein (who, although he once worked in a patent office, was not much of an inventor) confused with the American inventor Thomas Alva Edison (whose name is on 1,093 U.S. patents). 

Einstein, Edison…they both begin with “E.” Chetty lectures: 

In particular, targeting exposure programs to women, minorities, and children from low-income families who excel in math and science at early ages (e.g., as measured by performance on standardized tests) is likely to maximize their impacts on innovation. The Indian immigrant doesn’t seem all that aware that encouraging blacks (and, to a slightly lesser extent, Hispanics) as well as girls to study science and engineering has been an enormous social priority for the past half century.

Operating from the assumptions of disparate impact–that any disparity (favoring the majority) in achievement is a measure of discrimination, because there can be no disparities in God-given abilities between groups–Chetty purports to reveal a vast reserve of black and brown talent going underutilized, impoverishing the nation. He appeals not to our morality but to our practicality: equality is a material resource of a sort. But like Steve points out, finding and promoting that talent out of political and social concern has been one of the central projects of the United States for longer than Mr Chetty has been alive.

But there’s an even bigger problem–somehow–for Chetty’s assertion. Discrimination of the sort he imagines could not be maintained in our economy–eventually someone is going to go out there and hire all those talented blacks and browns for less and out-compete their self-hobbling discriminatory competitors. The notion is a non-starter.

The fact is employers are discriminating against blacks, for one group, when they facilitate unskilled immigration, looking for pliable and cheap workers from south of the border so they don’t have to deal with, prominently among American groups, blacks.

“Underutilization” as a rhetorical argument was innovated in the early sixties in promoting the EEOC. Following the logic of disparate impact (not yet a term) the undeniable effect of racial discrimination in a population where talent is evenly distributed is a massive mis-allocation of resources.

Already it was argued explicitly that disparities measure discrimination.  We still labor under that misconception, contrived out of political necessity after discrimination law revealed itself unlikely to produce equality of results:

In the newly evolving view of institutional racism, individual intent was at best a secondary consideration. Instead, employment discrimination should be defined and attacked as a differential [disparate impact], rather than…as an act of prejudice. It’s measure was simply the gap between the white and minority rates. This presumptive new definition in turn rested on an implicit normative theory of proportional representation absent that institutional racism had built into the workplace,  absent the discrimination that institutional racism had built into the employment structure…It’s chief political strength lay in its practical utility as an implicit and self-justifying formula for equity. This was captured in the workaday concept known as “underutilization,” a term…accepted as early as 1961. [bold added]

The concept was introduced out of impatience. Anti-discrimination law was not yielding results in achieving proportional representation–which was the whole point, despite the focus on discrimination as an objective wrong.

By the early 1960s…liberal reformers were beginning to question the FEP [Fair Employment Practice] model…Rutgers law professor Alfred W. Blumrosen studied…New Jersey’s Civil Rights Commision…a “plaintiff’s lawyer” who would spend a sabbatical year in 1965-66 helping the new EEOC organize its enforcement procedures…he brought to his study a “tough minded” model of “maximum enforcement,”…a mental image, a model of how the state agency should operate in order to have maximum impact…Blumrosen concluded…the…commission’s enforcement patterns “typified administrative caution…[i]t was a failure.”.

When an honest academic studied Massachusetts’ enforcement of anti-discrimination law the results could not have been encouraging

Blumrosen’s aggressive advocacy in a law review article still did not constitute an objective and comprehensive state study. But Leon Mayhew’s Harvard dissertation in sociology did…his dissertation analyzed…the FEP commission in Massachusetts…it concentrated on the years since 1959…it focused more on the complexities of institutional processes than the efficacy of results…

Not that it would have mattered to Blumrosen, but the liberal go-getters of the civil rights movement were getting their first real introduction to black America. I won’t say they were just getting to know black America, because they still haven’t started that.

Mayhew…was sympathetic to the purpose of the FEP commisions…but unlike Hill [another pit-bull activist government lawyer], Mayhew was bound by the canons of scholarship enforced by a dissertation committee…he closely followed the processing of 118 complaint cases. The pattern he found was surprising. The evidence showed that “complaints developed by individuals whose structural position provides limited perspective are objectively poor…they tend to be based on mere suspicion, they are quite likely to eventuate in a finding of ‘no probable cause,’ and they tend to be made against firms that do not discriminate”

By 1966 the still-green EEOC had adopted disparate impact as the ultimate criterion, under pressure from feminists as well as the civil rights movement.

 …the EEOC had inadvertently accelerated the social and political momentum of the civil rights movement toward a result-centered strategy that would equate race and sex in EEO enforcement. The new strategy would seek to determine the extent of both race and gender discrimination, and potentially the extent of any other categories of alleged discrimination, not by attempting to ascertain intent on a case-by-case basis, but rather by broadly applying a proportional model of statistical representation in the workforce.

…an opposing theory was pushed by the Nixon administration…based on an implicit theory of group rather than individual rights. Its core model was one of proportional representation of racial and ethnic groups, and it emphasized substantive rather than procedural equality. By the end of the Johnson administration the proportional or equal-results model was coming to dominate the enforcement strategies of the EEOC…the Nixon administration in its first year revived the moribund Philadelphia Plan…When…Congress reacted in dismay that autumn by trying to strip away the Plan’s provision for job quotas, the Nixon administration hurled the full force of its lobbying muscle against them. 

By the Carter administration affirmative action was in effect as a “temporary” expedient in public pronouncements that was quickly (and more or less deliberately) morphing into an institution.

 That same year [1977] Justice Blackmun in Weber agreed that quotas wer
“a temporary tool for remedying past discrimination without attempting to ‘maintain’ a previously achieved balance.” Yet despite these disclaimers from the highest authorities, everything we know about the normal politics of social regulation points in the opposite direction. In pluralist America, interest groups have historically entrenched themselves in the political infrastructure in defense of their claimed rights and entitlements.

Indeed. Groups like, say, Southeast Asians, entitled to entrench themselves in the political infrastructure, claiming their right to explain America to us.

Princesses and Polemics

Fairy tales and domesticity are anathema to feminism. Indeed, the former’s just propaganda for the oppression of the latter. Girls naturally prefer the rigors of astronauts and executives to the luxuries of princesses or the sanctuary of the home.

The image of the princess in Western culture looks a lot like the expression of an evolutionary impulse: the ultimate realization of womanhood by bagging the single most desirable male in the gene pool and retiring to a life of ease, wealth and family.

That young women might desire this is unfathomable to feminism. Like the rest of patriarchy, it’s a trick the guys played on the women at some point, from which we’ve yet to recover. Yet somehow women remain far more interested in the British royal family, particularly in women marrying into it, than men.

Naturally female writers adapt their princess fantasies to feminist language. Meghan Markle–black, feminist, black–gives them cover to indulge their fascination.
At least that’s what I think after reading this post in the Daily Beast by a female senior editor.

Activist with a decades-long track record of advocating for women and girls. Coupled with one of the most visible and desirable men in the world. Designers want to dress her. Adoring crowds gather to catch a glimpse of her. A woman for kids to look up to, settling comfortably into her role as pleasant figurehead on the world stage. These are things that Ivanka Trump wants to be. These are things Meghan Markle actually is.

How dare Ivanka claim to be the princess!

Ivanka wanted to be a princess, a denizen of photo-ops and collectible dishes Middle America can order from Parade magazine, like Princess Diana. A person beloved and celebrated like royalty, and immune to the critical eye of the political media. Problem is, there’s no “princess” position in the executive branch.

And, alas, none at the Daily Beast. Women here work for a living I tell you. Like Ms Markle, whose decades of achievement will eventually become legend:

Markle first publicly advocated for women and girls when she was just 11 years old, when she started a letter-writing campaign against an ad that suggested only women perform housework. The campaign got the attention of NickNews. Per the AFP, her role as a global ambassador for World Vision Canada took her to Rwanda and fostered her advocacy for children in other developing countries. She’s written about global stigma around menstruation, and spoken at the UN for International Women’s Day in 2015. During that talk, the self-described feminist said “Women need a seat at the table, they need an invitation to be seated there, and in some cases, where this is not available, they need to create their own table.”

Ivanka as the failed feminist doesn’t get to be princess. Markle has put in her time. Like in Beauty and the Beast she’s rewarded for loving the homely face of feminism with the handsome prince of domestic luxury.

In contrast [to dowdy old Ivanka], Markle is the fashion industry’s newest muse, in much the same way the Middleton sisters were nearly seven years ago. According, again, to the Times’ Vanessa Friedman, Marklemania has already started. Every outfit she wears inspires crazed levels of imitation. Magazines are already using Markle as a peg in style headlines. The coat she wore during her official engagement announcement crashed its brand’s website. Markle, Friedman notes, will “unquestionably be the most desired guest for any brand” at London Fashion Week this winter. 

Every day features a new Markle wedding dress fanfic piece written with the help of a bevy of designers and speculation. Will she pick Jenny Packham? Oscar de la Renta? She’s already described her perfect dress, says ABC (she actually didn’t describe anything specific at all). Whatever Markle picks, people will go apeshit over it.

“Whatever it is”? You mean, if she walks naked, like a royal figure in a familiar fairy tale, people will enthuse nonetheless?

There’s something uniquely 2017 fever-dreamy about the divergence of Ivanka and Markle’s fates. Markle, a working actress who once held a briefcase on Deal Or No Deal, gets to retire from the thornier parts of politics and into a life of a princess. Meanwhile Ivanka, the telegenic heiress of the man behind The Art of the Deal has found herself queen of the frogs.

Not “fever-dreamy”, just dreamy. One little girl’s dream, like every girl’s dream, to be whisked away…

Comments Elsewhere

Over at Steve Sailer’s comment section someone suggested the present sexual inquisition began not with Harvey Weinstein but with Roger Ailes, Bill O’Reilly and “the host of the Five”, and I don’t know what’s worse, knowing who the “host of the Five” is or not. Maybe that’s why he goes unnamed. I responded.

The comparison is lame. Weinstein’s scandal launched the present inquisition overnight, whereas those other guys–political figures always at such risk–all fell in typical if spectacular fashion.

As a putatively non-political but powerful figure, Weinstein enjoyed as we see a much higher degree of license, despite the open secret of his behavior and his connection to the Clintons. They’re reporting today about warnings HRC’s campaign received regarding Weinstein, with Lena Dunham claiming to have told them he’s a “rapist.”

Weinstein’s transitioning into politics would be expected to raise this risk for him. Dunham and others were operating on this reasonable assumption. Having a cable news network at his disposal didn’t save Ailes, but Harvey had the Clintons. More importantly he had a movie studio.

So the guy who’s been getting away with murder all of a sudden goes down and the damn bursts, sexual offense is redefined and broadened, applied retroactively and sparing no one.

The original take-down of Weinstein may have happened simply because his rival/brother saw he was weak after studio revenue started falling off (and Hillary lost the election) and struck. Now this thing is out of anyone’s control.

I’m less interested in why Weinstein now than why the sexual inquisition now, only after Weinstein. Have we simply reached a tipping point? Or, were women primed for it by the “pussy hat” hysterics in response to Trump? I don’t see how they could not have been. Still, O’Reilly and Ailes went down as one-offs. And Harvey sparked a conflagration. Maybe it’s just because Hollywood is the more combustible part of the media, as his antics and energy demonstrate. He went down in the middle of that and it wasn’t very far to the next randy abuser or patsy as the case may be.

And, Hollywood being Hollywood, for nearly every one of these charges there’s a play at work, someone settling a score or someone being taken down. The rules changed overnight and all of these people are armed with bludgeon. Further there’s the encouraging effect of all those examples. Once it gets going and women see they don’t have anything to fear and maybe something to gain (aside from whether or not their charges are genuine) it feeds on itself.

Once Weinstein fell it was as if an ogre had been toppled. They must’ve thought this guy invincible (including Hillary). There’s a “look, it bleeds” aspect to the reaction, cowed people suddenly liberated and running rampant.

That needed to happen in Hollywood, and for it to happen Trump had to happen–specifically, the epic own goal that is the “pussy hat” movement in reaction to–what?–Trump’s tape revealing the depravity and sexual license of show business.

And they say there’s no God!

Petty Profundities

I opened the front door to the cool slick fall night and the cat raced past my feet. Normally he’d rise, languidly stretch and walk inside with feline nonchalance.

I looked one way then the other, saw nothing, closed the door. Moments later I notice the bird he’s brought inside–for some reason he’s abandoned it for the moment on the floor. It’s a sparrow. Do they come out at night? He’s on his  back and gasping for air. I’m conflicted, if mildly–proud of the old cat’s hunting prowess and sorry for the bird.

You can go your whole life without confronting death face to face, as it were, in the modern world. I wonder if this makes it harder or easier when you at last have to face it. I’ll probably find out myself. I’ve grown old never having seen a corpse outside of a coffin.

Wearing a plastic bag like a glove I picked him up as gently as I could. He didn’t move. I took him outside and laid him down, squeezing the air out of the bag slowly until I was holding him there in between my palms. Now what to do with him?

Putting him in the garbage wouldn’t do so I took him out back. There’s a creek there, just over a picket fence in a ravine, indicated in the deep dark only by its sound. Throwing him into the creek seemed a respectful enough means. I was compelled by some slight God-is-watching sense of guilt to make a show of it. Also vanity, somehow, as always, the sense that everyone is watching that never goes away if you’re me. I’m not sure these are two different things.

He was still warm. I couldn’t bury a warm body. What if he’s still alive? He seemed to get warmer in fact; does body heat surge as the life passes out? I would wait. If there’s some tiny bit of sentience there, of suffering, then perhaps this ameliorates it. You won’t die alone I thought, holding this bird that was likely already dead as a boot.

He took his time. I was in a shadow of black between the house and a massive evergreen that emerges improbably from the middle of the little creek. The half-moon and stars appeared three dimensional behind the flat screen of the skeletal bare branches of an oak tree.
I wavered. It’s a bird. This is ridiculous, I know it is. But I’m looking for profundity wherever I can find it. I’m also looking for something else. What?

He cooled and I went back inside where it’s warm.